Thursday, October 31, 2019

Diversification Strategies of Southwest Airlines Essay - 1

Diversification Strategies of Southwest Airlines - Essay Example A component of the great strength the Southwest Airlines encompasses is the immense understanding of the Herb which has consistently adhered to a pattern of maintaining low costs in all the places it has gone. The Southwest Airline centers on culture, leadership, communication, hiring practices and interviewing, as well as, the games that are used to motivate the employees of the airline. These areas best portray the company that has created success through inspiration after widespread research by the group. The understanding of Southwest’s leadership has allowed for the structuring, management, as well as, the motivation of employees. Leadership at the Southwest Airlines has played a paramount responsibility in the company’s success. The definitions of leadership, whereas true in the majority of cases, are implemented extremely liberally at the Southwest Airlines. Leadership is a manner of life, desire, culture, as well as, dedication at the Southwest Airlines. Southwe st focuses on individuals as people and recognizes them as valuable assets to the company. Numerous businesses in the USA make use of performance measurements to scrutinize the actual performance. Other companies maintain such metrics through functional area to make certain of the functional answerability. Southwest considers functional answerability as a lead to the finger pointing involving departments (Lauer, 2010). Southwest Airlines’ team of management emphasizes a straightforward going hassle-free corporate style which grants employees extensive independence of operation. The culture of Southwest that lays emphasis on the employees to be the â€Å"first customers" of the airline, as well as, passengers to be the subsequent, has been fundamental to the accomplishment of Southwest. Southwest desires to put forward a unique, as well as, a fun experience to all the customers (Grubbs-West, 2005).  The philosophy of Southwest, in addition to the shared goals and knowledge, also encompasses mutual respect. The expectation of Southwest is that every person's job includes assisting colleagues with their job whenever necessary. Through provision of greater work flexibility, Southwest Company has the belief that it advances labor productivity, as well as, providing them with a competitive benefit.  

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Economics and ethics Essay Example for Free

Economics and ethics Essay Describe the tension that exists in businesses today between economics and ethics. Do you think that there really does have to be a tradeoff between economics and ethics? What strategies can be implemented to avoid this tension? Provide examples and research to support your thinking. The reading by Tima Bansal describes the back and forth tension of economics versus ethics. The article states, â€Å"On the one hand, social programs come at an economic cost and firms should not engage in activities that do not have a clear return. On the other hand, economic returns create social costs (Bansal, 2005).† The author then proceeds to explain that this tradeoff between ethics and economics isn’t necessary and that companies should find the overlapping space where activities are both financially profitable, and socially and environmentally responsible (Bansal, 2005) I agree with the author that companies need to be smart and make good decisions and it may take more effort, but if the effort is given the reward will be worth it. I don’t think a tradeoff is necessary if the effort is put forth like in the examples the author gives. By having cross-functional team meetings or involving the shareholders through community involvement in the two examples provided, the companies were able to meet the middle ground and maintain their responsibility (Bansal, 2005). I work for a small company and every month a charitable organization is supported through donations and the company matches what the employees contribute. I think it’s nice to have this involvement. With so many options, the company may have a tough time deciding on where it should contribute to society, but by letting the employees have a voice, they can openly affect those organizations that the employees feel would impact the most. Bansal, T. (2005). Building sustainable value through fiscal and social responsibility. Ivey Business Journal. Retrieved February 17, 2015, from http://iveybusinessjournal.com/publication/building-sustainable-value-through-fiscal-and-social-responsibility/ Final Project Milestone #2: The Three Spheres In a journal post titled 2-2: The Three Spheres, explain how your chosen company has demonstrated corporate citizenship in the economic, political, and civil spheres. Provide specific examples. Be sure to examine what the company says about itself, what you have experienced, and what other stakeholders have said or experienced. Cite at least two sources. This milestone will be graded using the Journal Rubric. Be sure to clearly address the questions in the prompt in your journal entry. The post should be at least 350-500 words, applying relevant research, citing at least two sources in each entry. Be as clear and scholarly as you can in your writing style; and of course, be sure your entry is free of errors in organization and grammar. Courtney Croce 2.2: The Three Spheres Target Corporation The three spheres of corporate social responsibility include economical, political, and civic. To achieve and maintain profitability, it’s said that corporations must learn to operate successfully within all three. Economics includes initiatives that help increase profits to the shareholders. Politics includes abiding by rules and laws and business power in society. Civil surrounds enhancing lives of the shareholders. Economically, Target has reduced it’s packaging on many levels of the items it sells. They also began using flexible envelopes in shipping online orders, which reduced packaging by 89 percent. As a result they expect to ship 50000 fewer pounds of cardboard every year. Other than offering lower prices Target wants its products to be made with integrity by qualified vendors who treat workers well, who obey the law, and whose processes minimize their effect on the environment. They’ve begun to do this by working closely with their vendors and setting clear expectations through Standards of Vendor Engagement. They require all vendors to behave to the principles they’ve established and they monitor their progress. Target starts with the basics from the political standpoint, which is ensuring they are abiding by every law and regulation that pertains to the business. They also expect all team members to behave with personal and professional integrity. To support their team members they clearly list the requirements in the Business Conduct Guide, they have a dedicated Corporate Compliance and Ethics Team, have teams focused on building and sustaining business compliance programs and offer integrity training. All of these initiatives help ensure that everyone at Target is abiding by the laws and regulations. Target’s civil responsibility is currently focusing on education. They have set a goal to $1 billion to education by the end of 2015. They have started doing several things like donating books, and providing food pantries for families to help set students, parents, and teachers up for success. They’ve decided to focus on education after gathering information from their customers indicating that that is a popular concern amongst. The EVP also expressed concerns about the reading level and that those who are unable to read by the age of three are less likely to graduate. https://corporate.target.com/corporate-responsibility/education https://corporate.target.com/_media/TargetCorp/csr/pdf/2013-corporate-responsibility-report.pdf

Sunday, October 27, 2019

A Report About Bloods Vs Crips

A Report About Bloods Vs Crips My exam paper is about one of the biggest gang wars in the whole world: The Bloods versus The Crips. The reason I have chosen this subject is because not so many people are aware of whats going on between those two gangs. There are more gangs who are sometimes involved in this war, such as MS-13 (Florence 13) and the KKK (Ku Klux Klan), but the arguments with these groups arent half as worse as the war between the Bloods and the Crips. The MS 13 is a Mexican gang. They are the one of the most dangerous gangs in the whole world, sais the FBI. They mostly operate in Mexico, but also in El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and in Nicaragua. In the US they operate in states as Texas and California. The Ku Klux Klan is a group of people who are very racial against outsiders. They mostly hate black people (à   Bloods and Cribs), because they werent happy about the decision back in the days that all black people were free. But the do not only hate black people, they also hate other people with a color, people who are anti-catholic and Jews. Sometimes these people get killed by members of the Ku Klux Klan. But as I was saying, the conflicts with these groups arent half as bas as the conflicts between the Bloods and the Cribs. Everyday people die because of these conflicts. Also everyday more and more people become members of these groups. The two groups operate especially in the West coast and in the South coast, mostly in Los Angeles and Compton. First Im going to give you some information about The Crips, than Im going to give you some information about The Bloods. The Crips TheCrips(Community Revolution In Progress) are a primarily, but not exclusively,African Americangang. They were founded inLos Angeles, Californiain 1971 by Raymond WashingtonandStanley Williams. File:Stanley Tookie Williams mugshot.jpgStanley Tookie Williams met Raymond Lee Washington in 1969, and the two decided to unite their local gang members from the west and east sides ofSouth Central Los Angelesin order to battle neighboring street gangs. Most of the members were very young.Some of them werent even 18 years old yet. The most of them were African American, but there were also Mexican people who joined there group. Stanley Tookie Williams(December 29, 1953 December 13, 2005) was born inNew Orleans,Louisiana andwas one of the two leaders of the Crips. In 1979 he was condemned of four murders that he committed during robberies and he went to prison for the rest of his life. In jail, he write many books about his live and other things, like books including anti-gang and violence literature. Tookie Williams was asked to help the police with the investigation to get the criminals of his gang, but he refused to help and was involved with many attacks on guards, tried to escape a couple, but there wasnt any evidence that he planned this. In 1993, Williams began making changes in his behavior, and became an anti-gang activist while onDeath Row inCalifornia. He renounced his gang affiliation and apologized for his role in founding the Crips. He also co-wrote childrens books and participated in efforts intended to prevent youths from joining gangs.[1]A biographical TV-movie entitledRedemption: The Stan Tookie Williams Storywas made in 2004, and featuredJamie Foxxas Williams. On December 13, 2005, Williams was executed bylethal injectionafterclemencyand a four-week stay of execution were both rejected byGovernorArnold Schwarzenegger, amidst debate over thedeath penaltyand whether Williams anti-gang advocacy in prison represented genuine atonement. Williams was the second inmate in California to be executed in 2005. The original name for the alliance was Cribs, a name that was chosen from a list with many options and chosen unanimously from three final choices, which included the Black Overlords, and the Assassins. Cribs was chosen to reflect the young age of the majority of the gang members. The name Cribs turned into the name Crips when gang members began carrying around canes to display their pimp status. People in the neighborhood then began calling them cripples, or Crips for short.ALos Angeles Sentinelarticle in February 1972 referred to some members as Crips (for cripples).[1]The name had no political, organizational, cryptic, oracronymicmeaning. Williams, in his memoir, further discounted claims that the group was a spin-off of theBlack Panther Partyor formed for a community agenda, the name depicted a fighting alliance against street gangs—nothing more, nothing less, Williams wrote.[9]Washington, who attended Fremont High School, was the leader of the East Side Crips, and William s, who attended Washington High School, led the West Side Crips. Williams recalled that a blue bandanna was first worn by Crips founding member Buddha, as a part of his color-coordinated clothing of blue Levis, a blue shirt, and dark blue suspenders. A blue bandanna was worn in memorium to Buddha after he was shot and killed on February 23, 1973, which eventually became the color of blue associated with Crips.[9] The Crips became popular throughout southernLos Angelesas more youth gangs joined; at one point they outnumbered non-Crip gangs by 3 to 1, sparking disputes with non-Crip gangs, including the L.A. Brims, Athens Park Boys, the Bishops, The Drill Company, and the Denver Lanes. By 1971 the gangs notoriety had spread across Los Angeles. Initially Crips leaders did not occupy leadership positions, but were recognized as leaders because of their personal charisma and influence. These leaders gave priority to expanding the gangs membership to increase its power. By 1978, there were 45 Crips gangs, called sets, operating inLos Angeles. The gang became increasingly violent as they attempted to expand their turf. By the early 1980s the gang was heavily involved with drug trade.[15]Some of these Crips sets began to produce and distributePCP(phencyclidine) within the city. They also began to distributemarijuanaandamphetaminein Los Angeles. In the early 1980s Crips sets began distributing crack cocaine in Los Angeles. The huge profits resulting fromcrack cocainedistribution induced many Crips members to establish new markets in other cities and states. In addition, many young men in other states adopted the Crips name and lifestyle. As a result of these two factors, Crips membership increased throughout the 1980s, making it one of the largest street gang associations in the country.[1]In 1999, there were at least 600 Crips sets with more than 30,000 members transporting drugs in theUnited States.[1] The Crips are one of the largest and most violent associations of street gangs in the United States of America. Crips has over 800 sets with 30,000 to 35,000 members and associate members, including more than 13,000 members in Los Angeles. The states with the highest estimated number of Crips sets areCalifornia,Missouri,OklahomaandTexas. Membership typically consists of young African American men, with members beingwhite,HispanicandAsian The gang is known to be involved inmurders, robberies, anddrugdealing, among many othercriminalpursuits. The gang is known for its gang members use of the colorbluein their clothing. The Crips are publicly known to have an intense and bitter rivalry with theBloodsand other little feuds with othergangs.Crips have been documented in theU.S. military, found in bases in the United States and abroad. There is a movie about the creator of the Crips, Stanley ‘Tookie Williams The Bloods The Bloods gang was formed initially to compete against the influence of theCripsinLos Angeles.[5]The origin of the Bloods and their rivalry with the Crips dates to the 1970s, where thePirusstreet gang, originally a set, or faction, of the Crips,[6][7]broke off during an internal gang war, and allied with other smaller gangs to found the gang that would eventually become known as the Bloods.[5]At the time, Crips sets outnumbered Bloods sets by three to one. To assert their power despite this difference in numbers, Bloods sets became increasingly violent, especially against rival Crips members.[1]The Pirus are therefore considered to be the original founders of the Bloods.[5]During the rise ofcrack cocaine, the gangs focus shifted to drug production. Bloods sets operate independently of each other, and are currently located in almost all States.[5]Blood sets on the East Coast are often seen as affiliated with theUnited Blood Nation, a gang which originated inRikers Island.[5] The United Blood Nation, simply called the Bloods, formed in 1993, within the New York City jail system on Rikers Islands GMDC (George Mochen Detention Center), sometimes called C 73. GMDC was used to segregate problem inmates from the rest of the detention center. Prior to this time period, the Latin Kings were the most prevalent and organized gang in the NYC jail system. TheLatin Kings, with mostlyHispanicmembers, were targeting African American inmates with violence. These African American inmates, organized by some of the more violent and charismatic inmates, formed a protection group which they called the United Blood Nation. This United Blood Nation, which was actually a prison gang, was emulating the Bloods street gangs in Los Angeles, California. Several of the leaders of this recently created prison gang formed eight original Blood sets to recruit in their neighborhoods across New York City.[8] By 1996, thousands of members of the Blood street gang were establishing themselves as a formidable force among gangs and continued a steady drive for recruitment. At this time, the Bloods were more violent than other gangs but much less organized. Numerous slashings (razor blade or knife attacks) were reported during robberies and discovered to be initiations into the Bloods. This Blood in ritual became the trademark for the Bloods. Bloods recruited throughout the East Coast.[9] Membership Bloods refers to a loosely structured association of smaller street gangs, known as â€Å"sets,† which has adopted a common gang culture. Each set has its own leader and generally operates independently from the others. Most Bloods members are African American males, although some sets have recruited female members as well as members from other races and ethnic backgrounds. Members range in age from early teens to mid-twenties, however some hold leadership positions into their late twenties and occasionally thirties. There is no known national leader of the Bloods but individual Bloods sets have a hierarchical leadership structure with identifiable levels of membership. These levels of membership indicate status within a gang. A leader, typically an older member with a more extensive criminal background, runs each set. A set leader is not elected but rather asserts himself by developing and managing the gangs criminal enterprises through his reputation for violence and ruthlessness and through his personal charisma. The majority of set members are called â€Å"Soldiers,† who are typically between the ages of 16 and 22. Soldiers have a strong sense of commitment to their set and are extremely dangerous because of their willingness to use violence both to obtain the respect of gang members and to respond to any person who â€Å"disrespects† the set. â€Å"Associates† are not full members, but they identify with the gang and take part in various criminal activities. To the exten t that women belong to the gang, they are usually associate members and tend to be used by their male counterparts to carry weapons, hold drugs, or prostitute themselves to make money for their set. Recruitment is often influenced by a recruitees environment. Bloods recruit heavily among school-age youth in predominantly poor African American communities. Gang membership offers youth a sense of belonging and protection. It also offers immediate gratification to economically disadvantaged youth who view the trappings of gang life: gold jewelry, cash, expensive sports clothing.[1] Identification The Gang symbol of theBloods, as the sign reads the word blood Bloods members identify themselves through various gang indicators such as colors, clothing, symbols, tattoos, jewelry, graffiti, language, and hand signs. The Bloods gang color is red. They like to wear sports clothing, including team â€Å"Starter† jackets that show their gang color. Some of their favorite teams include the San Francisco Forty Niners, the Philadelphia Phillies, and the Chicago Bulls. They are also known to wear Dallas Cowboys clothing, whose logo contains a five-pointed star. The most commonly used Bloods symbols include the number â€Å"5,† the five pointed star, and the five pointed crown. These symbols are meant to show the Bloods affiliation with the People Nation, a large coalition of affiliates created to protect alliance members within the federal and state prison systems. These symbols may be seen in the tattoos, jewelry, and clothing that gang members wear as well as in gang graffiti, which is used by the Bloods to mark their territory. Many graffiti include gang name, nicknames, declaration of loyalty, threats against rival gangs, or a description of criminal acts in which the gang has been involved. Bloods graffiti might also include the word â€Å"Piru† which refers to the fact that the first known Bloods gang was formed by individuals from Piru Street inCompton, California. Finally, Bloods graffiti might include rival gang symbols (particularly those of the Crips) that are drawn upside down. This is meant as an insult to the rival group and its symbols. Bloods members also have a unique slang. Bloods greet each other using the word â€Å"Blood† and often avoid using words with the letter â€Å"C.† Finally, Bloods use hand signs to communicate with one another. Hand signs may be a singular movement, like the American Sign Language letter â€Å"B,† or a series of movements using one or both hands for more complex phrases. United Blood Nation (UBN) or East Coast Bloods initiates often receive a dog-paw mark, represented by three dots often burned with a cigarette, on their right shoulder. Other UBN symbols include a bulldog and a bull.[1] Alliances and rivals Bloods consider themselves allies with members of thePeople Nationand rivals of all gangs associated with the Folk Nation gang alliance. These alliances were established in the 1980s to protect alliance members within the federal and state prison systems. The People Nation alliance includes Black Peace Stones, Cobra Stones, Insane Popes, Gaylords, Future Stones, Insane Unknown, King Cobras, Latin Counts, Latin Dragons,Latin Kings, Latin Pachucos, Latin Saints, Spanish Lords, and Vice Lord Nation. TheFolk Nationalliance members (and thus, Bloods rivals) include the Bloods biggest rival, theCrips, as well as many other gangs, including theGangster Disciples, the Black Disciples, and the Black Gangsters. In some instances, Bloods and UBN sets will associate with traditional rival gangs, such as the Crips or the Latin Kings, when such associations benefit the criminal enterprises of both gangs.[1] In Los Angeles and other urban areas in the United States, the formation of street gangs increased at an alarming pace throughout the 1980s and 1990s.The Bloods and the Crips, the most well-known gangs of Los Angeles, are predominately African American[1]and they have steadily increased in number since their beginnings in 1969.In addition, there areapproximately600 Hispanic gangs in Los Angeles County with a growing Asian gang population numbering approximately 20,000 members. Surprisingly, little has been written about the historical background of black gangs in Los Angeles (LA).Literature and firsthand interviews with Los Angeles residents seem to point to three significant periods relevant to the development of the contemporary black gangs.The first period, which followed WWII and significant black migrations from the South, is when the first major black clubs formed.After the Watts rebellion of 1965, the second period gave way to the civil rights period of Los Angeles where blacks, including those who where former club members who became politically active for the remainder of the 1960s.By the early 1970s black street gangs began to reemerge.By 1972, the Crips were firmly established and the Bloods were beginning to organize.This period saw the rise of LAs newest gangs, which continued to grow during the 1970s, and later formed in several other cities throughout the United States by the 1990s.While black gangs do not make up the largest or most active gang population in Los Angeles today, their influence on street gang culture nationally has been profound. In order to better understand the rise of these groups, I went into the original neighborhoods to document the history which led to these groups.There are 88 incorporated cities and dozens of other unincorporated places in Los Angeles County (LAC). In the process of conducting this research, I visited all of these places in an attempt to not just identify gangs active in Los Angeles, but to determine their territories. Through several weeks of field work and research conducted in 1996, I identified 274 black gangs in 17 cities and four unincorporated areas in LAC. Post WWIIto 1965 The first major period of black gangs in Los Angeles began in the late 1940s and ended in 1965.There were black gangs in Los Angeles prior to this period, but they were small in numbers; little is known about the activity of these groups.Some of the black groups that existed in Los Angeles in the late 1920s and 1930s werethe Boozies, Goodlows, Blogettes, Kelleys, and theDriver Brothers.Most of these groups were family oriented, and they referred to themselves as clubs.[2]Max Bond (1936:270) wrote briefly about a black gang of 15-year-old kids from the Central Avenue area that mostly stole automobile accessories and bicycles.It was not until the late 1940s that the first major black clubs surfaced on the East side[3]of Los Angeles near Jefferson High School in the Central Avenue area.This was the original settlement area of blacks in Los Angeles.South of 92ndStreet in Watts and in the Jefferson Park/West Adams area on the West side, there were significant black populations.By 1960 sev eral black clubs were operating on the West side[4]of Los Angeles, an area that had previously restricted black residents during the 1940s. Several of the first black clubs to emerge in the late 1940s and early 1950s formed initially as a defensive reaction to combat much of the white violence that had been plaguing the black community for several years.In the surrounding communities of the original black ghetto of Central Avenue and Watts, and in the cities of Huntington Park and South Gate, white Angelenos were developing a dissatisfaction for the growing black population that was migrating from the South during WWII.During the 1940s, resentment from the white community grew as several blacks challenged the legal housing discrimination laws that prevented them from purchasing property outside the original settlement neighborhoods and integrate into the public schools.Areas outside of the original black settlement of Los Angeles were neighborhoods covered by legally enforced, racially restrictive covenants or deed restrictions.This practice, adapted by white homeowners, was established in 1922 and was designed to mainta in social and racial homogeneity of neighborhoods by denying non-whites access to property ownership. By the 1940s, such exclusionary practices made much of Los Angeles off-limits to most minorities (Bond 1936; Davis 1990:161,273; Dymski and Veitch 1996:40).This process contributed to increasing homogeneity of communities in Los Angeles, further exacerbating racial conflict between whites and blacks, as the latter existed in mostly segregated communities.From 1940 to 1944, there was over a 100 percent increase in the black population of Los Angeles, and ethnic and racial paranoia began to develop among white residents. Chronic overcrowding was taking a toll, and housing congestion became a serious problem, as blacks were forced to live in substandard housing (Collins 1980:26).From 1945-1948, black residents continually challenged restrictive covenants in several court cases in an effort to move out of the dense,overcrowdedblackcommunity.Theseattemptsresultedinviolentclashes between whites and blacks (Collins 1980:30).The Ku Klux Klan resurfaced during the 1940s, 20 years after their presence faded during the late 1920s (Adler 1977; Collins 1980), and white youths were forming street clubs to battle integration of the community and schools of black residents. In Huntington Park, Bell, and South Gate, towns that were predominately white, teenagers formed some of the early street clubs during the 1940s. One of the most infamous clubs of that time was theSpook Hunters, a group of white teenagers that often attacked black youths. If blacks were seen outside of the black settlement area, which was roughly bounded by Slauson to the South, Alameda Avenue to the east, and Main[5]Street to the west, they were often attacked. The name of this club emphasized their racist attitude towards blacks, as â€Å"Spook† is a derogatory term used to identify blacks and â€Å"Hunters† highlighted their desire to attack blacks as their method of fighting integration and promoting residential segregation. Their animosity towards blacks was publicly known; the back of their club jackets displayed an animated black face with exaggerated facial features and a noose hanging around the neck. TheSpookHunterswould often cross Alameda traveling west to vi olently attack black youths from the area.In Thrashers study of Chicago gangs, he observed a similar white gang in Chicago during the 1920s, theDirty Dozens,who often attacked black youths with knives, blackjacks, and revolvers because of racial differences (Thrasher 1963:37).Raymond Wright was one of the founders of a black club called theBusinessmen,a large East side club based at South Park between Slauson Avenue and Vernon Avenue.He stated that â€Å"you couldnt pass Alameda, because those white boys in South Gate would set you on fire,†[6]and fear of attack among black youths was not, surprisingly, common. In 1941, white students at Fremont High School threatened blacks by burning them in effigy and displaying posters saying, â€Å"we want no niggers at this school† (Bunch 1990: 118).There were racial confrontations at Manual Arts High School on Vermont and 42ndStreet, and at Adams High School during the 1940s (Davis 1990:293).In 1943, conflicts between blacks and whites occurred at 5thand San Pedro Streets, resulting in a riot on Central Avenue (Bunch 1990:118).white clubs in Inglewood, Gardena, and on the West side engaged in similar acts, but theSpook Hunterswere the most violent of all white clubs in Los Angeles. The black youths in Aliso Village, a housing project in East Los Angeles, started a club called theDevil Huntersin response to theSpook Huntersand other white clubs that were engaging in violent confrontations with blacks.The term Devil reflected how blacks viewed racist whites and Ku Klux Klan members.TheDevil Huntersand other black residents fought back against white violence with their own form of violence.In 1944, nearly 100 frustrated black youths, who were denied jobs on the citys streetcar system, attacked a passing streetcar and assaulted several white passengers (Collins 1980: 29).During the late 1940s and early 1950s, other neighborhood clubs emerged to fight the white establishment.Members of theBusinessmenand other black clubs had several encounters with theSpook Huntersand other white clubs of the time. In Watts, several of the clubs were organized geographically by the housing projects in the area.The projects were built for war workers in the 1940s and were intended to be interracial.The first public housing project of Watts was the Hacienda Village: single-story units, built in 1942.In May 1944, the Imperial Courts (498 units) was built, and in September, Jordan Downs (700 units) was completed.In 1955, the most massive of all public housing projects was completed and named the Nickerson Gardens (1,100 units) (Bullock 1969:14-15).By the end of the 1950s, over one-third of the population of Watts lived in public housing (Bullock 1969:16). Clubs like theHunsand theFarmerswere active in the Watts housing projects. Several of these groups fought against the established white clubs for several years.As black clubs began to negotiate strategies to combat white intimidation and violence, the effectiveness of whites to fight against integration and residential segregation began to fail. Eventually white flight occurred, as white residents began to move into the growing suburban areas that flourished in the 1950s, leaving the city areas of South Los Angeles behind. This left the central city of Los Angeles as a primarily black enclave, with blacks accounting for 71 percent of the inner-city population (Brunn et al. 1993: 53). By 1960, the three separate communities of Watts, Central Ave, and West Adams had amalgamated into one continuous black settlement area where low, middle, and upper class black neighborhoods were adjoined into a single community. During the 1960s, conflicts among the black clubs were growing and, as more white residents continued to move and the white clubs began to fade, the black clubs moved from interracial violence to intraracial violence.TheGladiators, based at 54thStreet and Vermont Avenue, were the largest black club on the West side, and clashes between other black gangs were increasing as intra-racial violence between black club members was on the rise. By 1960 several clubs emerged onthe West side and rivalrybetween East side and West side clubs developed, along with infighting among clubs organized on the same side of town (Figure 4.1).TheBusinessmen(an East side club)hadarivalrywithboththeSlausons(an East side club) and the Gladiators (a West side club).Even though more than 50 percent of the gangs active in Los Angeles were Hispanic, black gangs represented a significant proportion of gang incidents that were rapidly increasing in numbers (Study of Delinquent Gangs1962: 1).During this time, dispu tes among these were handled by hand-to-hand combat and by the use of weapons, such as tire irons and knives, but murders were rare.In 1960, the six gang-related murders that occurred in Los Angeles were considered an extremely high number.At that point, black-on-black violence between the clubs was becoming a serious concern in Los Angeles.On the surface, the rivalry between East side and West side clubs was associated with altercations on the football field, disputes over girlfriends, and disagreements at parties, but most of their clashes were rooted in socioeconomic differences between the two.East side youths resented the upwardly mobile West side youths, because East side residents were viewed as economically inferior to those residents who lived on the West side.On the other hand, West side youths were considered less intimidating and lacking the skills to be street savvy and tough.In an effort to prove themselves equally tough, West side youths engaged in several confrontati ons with East side youths during the early 1960s. Several of these clubs fought against each other during this period, but in 1965 after the Watts Rebellion and under the leadership of several socially conscious organizations, most of the rivalry was eradicated. Young black youths moved towards being more politically aware and having greater concern for the social problems that plagued their community. Alprentice â€Å"Bunchy† Carter, a member of theSlausons, was successful in transforming several black youths of South Los Angeles into revolutionary soldiers against police brutality (Hilliard Cole 1993:218), and several other organizations were also contributing to the change. The Watts Riots of 1965 were considered â€Å"the Last Great Rumble,† as members of these groups dismissed old rivalries and supported each other against the despised Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) (Baker 1988:28; Davis 1990: 297). Paul Bullock wrote that a result of the riot activity in Watts was a movement to build organizations and inst itutions which were led by and entirely responsible to the [black] community (1969:69). Social-Political Period, 1965-1970 In the aftermath of the rebellion, young people, namely former club members from the community, began to build political institutions to contest social injustices, specifically police brutality, which sparked the 1965 Watts Riots.Following the Watts Riots, and throughout the rest of the 1960s, black groups were organizing and becoming politically radical. For nearly five years, beginning in 1965, there were almost no active black street gangs in Los Angeles. Several reports that black gang activity was on the decline began to circulate (Klein 1971: 22).According to Sergeant Warren Johnson, â€Å"during the mid and late 1960s, juvenile gang activity in black neighborhoods was scarcely visible to the public at large and of minimal concern to south-central residents† (Cohen 1972).It was the formation of these new movements that offered black youths a vehicle of positive identification and self-affirmation that occupied the time and energies that might have been spent in gang activity.A sense of cohesiveness began to form, along with self-worth and positive identification, as pride pervaded the black community (Los Angeles Times3/19/72). After the Rebellion in 1965, club members began to organize neighborhood political groups to monitor the LAPD and to document their treatment towards blacks. Ron Wilkins (ex-member of theSlausons), created theCommunity Action Patrol (CAP)to monitor police abuses (Davis 1990:297), and William Sampson (ex-member of theSlausons), along with Gerald Aubry (ex-member of theOrientals), started theSons of Watts,whose key function was to â€Å"police the police† (Obtola 1972:7). TheBstarted a chapter in Los Angeles shortly after Huey Newton, and Bobby Seale started the Party in Oakland, California, in 1966. The BPP in Los Angeles also organized both theblackon several high schools campuses in Los Angeles and theblack, a meeting place for black residents concerning community issues on Florence and Broadway in 1967. Ron Maulana Karenga organized a nationalistic group calledUS Organization,and Tommy Jacquette organized theSelf Leadership for All Nationalities Today (SLANT)in October of 19 66 (Bullock 1969:67; Tyler 1982: 222). After splitting away from the US Organization, Hakim Jamal started theMalcolm X Foundationin 1968, and Robaire Nyjuky founded theMarxist Leninist Maoist (MLM)which had an office on 78thStreet and San Pedro (Tyler 1983:237).Student Non-ViolentCoordinating Committee (SNCC), a national organization of black nationalists visited Los Angeles and opened an office on Central Avenue in 1967. Also during this period, Ron Karenga createdKwanza,a non-religious holiday that celebrates African heritage. All these groups were formed in the wake of the 1965 rebellion to provide political support to the civil rights movement that was gaining strength within the black community of Los Angeles.There were several other black nationalist groups in Los Angeles, but the Panthers and US Organization were considered to have the largest following and the most political influence in the black community of Los Angeles following the Watts Rebellion. The BPP heavily recruited members from theSlausons, an East side club, while the US Organization had a large a following from the West side clubs, including theGladiators,but members of both political groups came from a variety of different clubs from all over Los Angeles._____________Carter was elected president of the Los Angeles Chapter of the black Panther Party (BPP), whose

Friday, October 25, 2019

Lord of the Flies Essay -- Literary Analysis, William Golding

Humans are intricate. They have built civilizations and invented the concept of society, moving accordingly from savage primal instincts to disciplined behaviour. William Golding, however, does not praise humanity in his pessimistic novel, Lord of The Flies, which tells the story of a group of British schoolboys who are stranded on an uninhabited tropical island without any adults – a dystopia. Golding evidently expresses three views of humanity in this novel. He suggests that, without the rules and restrictions on which societies and civilizations are built, humans are intrinsically selfish, impulsive and violent. Golding believes that all people are selfish, wanting to satisfy their own requirements and desires before considering others. Jack, the leader of the choir, has a selfish desire for power. With â€Å"simple arrogance† Jack says, â€Å"I ought to be chief because I'm chapter chorister and head boy. I can sing C-sharp† (22). His motives for wanting to become leader are ultimately egocentric as he mentions nothing about his utility or his contribution to the group of boys. However, Jack's wish to become leader is partially granted when he leads a hunting expedition. As a result, the boys' unattended signal fire burns out, but when Ralph mentions this, Jack becomes â€Å"vaguely irritated by this irrelevance† (69) but is also â€Å"too happy to let it worry him† (69). The self-absorbed boy has no desire to be rescued and even wants to stay on the island, thus he puts his desire to hunt before everything else and endangers everyone by not tending to essential chores. The boys who hunted with Jack also seem enjoy the experience selfishly, albeit not without regret (some hunters agree that the signal fire should not have been let out) – this i... ...mselves at her.... Roger ran around the heap... Jack was on top of the sow stabbing downwards with his knife.... The sow collapsed under them and they were heavy and fulfilled upon her† (135). Indeed, the gruesome description is reserved for Jack and Roger; however, it is clear that all the hunters are vehemently piled on top of the sow as they are killing it with ubiquitous violence. In short, humans are elementally violent and Golding expresses this with vivid descriptions of the boys' vigour in several violent situations. Golding has a rather pessimistic view of humanity having selfishness, impulsiveness and violence within, shown in his dark yet allegorical novel Lord of the Flies. Throughout the novel, the boys show great self-concern, act rashly, and pummel beasts, boys and bacon. The delicate facade of society is easily toppled by man's true beastly nature.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

‘Materialism’ and Alienation

A considerable number of scholars agree that the domination of capital, which prevails not only on the socio-economic order but also on the production of ideas and ideologies, is responsible for the fragmentation of cultures ensuing from the destruction of human relationships and interaction. The latter arises from the permeation of capitalism into the value systems, and, as suggested by Buber, ultimately creating the ‘I-It’ relationship, in which individuals identify increasingly with material goods, or derive their sense of fulfillment from consuming goods and the symbols attached to these, rather than the ‘I-thou’ relationship or the cultivation of meaningful relationships with their fellow individuals. As individuals seek their sense of being from consumption, they are alienated more and more from society, which scholars such as Kasser (2003) suggests would lead into the loss of meaning in one’s life and the frustration that goes with it. This frustration is reinforced by societal standards that put premium over the accumulation of material wealth over non-material fulfillment. The Pursuit of Money, Depression, and Alienation This is illustrated in the life story of C.P. Ellis, a man driven to join the Klu Klux Klan by his frustration over their family’s impoverishment and his own insecurity over being a low-income, white American, and his transformation into a contented labor union organizer despite. Born into a poor family, Ellis’ depression over his and his family’s financial status started from being perceived by others as ‘poor and impoverished’ in his childhood, as reflected by the way he felt people treated him and his father: â€Å"somebody looking at him and making fun of him and making fun of me.† His father’s unhappiness mirror the same unhappiness that characterized Ellis’ life as he struggled to make ends meet for his own family later on, to â€Å"work, never a day without work, worked all the overtime I could get.† Ellis’ predicament, according to Kasser (2003), is typical of â€Å"people who strongly value the pursuit of wealth and possessions.† Kasser notes that these people â€Å"report lower psychological well-being than those who are less concerned with such aims.† Not surprisingly, Ellis’ earlier experiences wherein his concern and frustration over ‘financial freedom’ is marked by the absence of a social life and of meaningful interactions with people as his life is taken over by the need to his above his socio-economic status. This makes him unable to see people beyond the labels and the propaganda, and also illustrate the attraction of the Ku Klux Klan to white, low-income individuals. Thus, Ellis’ motivation for joining the Ku Klux Klan, is his resentment and bitterness to his inability to move up the rungs of the economic and social ladder. Racist Organizations and the Reinforcement of Social Isolation The Ku Klux Klan, as a group that presents itself as the â€Å"savior of the white race,† also contains within itself the racist symbols of being superior, a superiority complex that is based on the skin color of being white. The Ku Klux Klan therefore presents an opportunity to feel power in another way, by vowing to â€Å"uphold the purity of the white race, fight communism, and protect white womanhood.† .For C.P. Ellis, the moment of ‘empowerment’ is his being ‘exalted Cyclops’ of the Klan but it is merely an extension of his yearning for a higher social status:   Ã¢â‚¬Å"Here’s a guy who’s worked all his life and struggled all his life to be something, and here’s the moment to be something.† However, the Klu Klux Klan does not give its members a sense of fulfillment that is based on being able to cultivate a meaningful relationship between its members, but reinforces the isolation of another marginalized sector of society—the black people. Moreover, the Klan’s power is based not on the empowerment of the sector it represents; On the contrary, it blurs its members’ ability to recognize the real problems of social inequality by curiously turning to the blacks as a channel for the dissipation of its anger. While Ellis is interested in the Klan for its sense of belonging, he was more drawn to the aspect of being in control—something that, while he clearly could not achieve by being poor, he could at least exercise on people deemed to be inferior by society. Ellis, however, was not intent on deriving meaning from the sort associated with â€Å"spirituality and religion†¦ home life, relationships, and family†¦having fun and excitement†¦and contributing to the community† (Kasser 2003). He was merely looking for a scapegoat to focus his resentment on, from which he thought he could attain the â€Å"large number of possible goals people might have, such as desires to feel safe and secure, to help the world be a better place, to have a great sex life, and to have good relationships with other.† (Kasser 2003) In this phase of his life, Ellis therefore retains the ‘I-it’ relationship in his life suggested by Buber through his remaining fixation with material wealth and the social status that comes with it. Transformation, Empowerment, and Redemption Ironically, C.P. Ellis’ genuine empowerment would come not from material success but from disillusionment with the false power of the Klu Klux Klan and subsequent transformation into a man who recognized that people were more than their skin color. This would come from his reluctant involvement with the efforts to minimize racial discrimination in which he was forced to work with Ann Atwater—a black civil rights advocate—to pursue a better school system for their children. Ellis’ transformation would not be easy, however, and it would only come with the realization that those who had economic and political power were using the rift between the blacks and the whites to further their own agendas: â€Å"As long as they kept low-income whites and low income blacks fighting, they’re gonna maintain control.† This realization would preclude his transformation as he knew more about the relationship between economic status and political power, and as he realized the importance of solidarity with his fellow poor: â€Å"The whole world was opening up , and I was learning new truths that I had never learned before. I was beginning to look at a black person, shake hands with him, and see him as a human being.† The attainment of wealth would grow less and less for C. P. Ellis as he discovered that although material things were important to people, individuals should not let it rule their lives. Consequently, Ellis’ concern on   the goals of the labor union with which he would be involved in later, would give him more happiness and fulfillment, his sense of self mirroring â€Å"the state attained by people motivated by growth, meaning, and aesthetics, rather than by insecurity and the attempt to fit in with what other people expect† (Kasser, 2003). Ellis’ life and general direction is now a stark contrast to the sense of â€Å"low well-being, high distress, and difficulty adjusting to life† (Kasser, 2003) that he experienced earlier in his life when his sense of self was anchored on material possessions. C.P. Ellis’ life and experience therefore reflects the dangers of material wealth as a central figure in one’s life. It provides a concrete example of one man’s transcendence over the alienation that people in a highly consumerist and materialist society experiences, and illustrates the importance of establishing an â€Å"I-Thou† basis of our identity and sense of self rather than anchoring our lives to the pursuit of financial gains. More importantly, it shows how having control on one’s life will not be achieved solely by having financial control, but by being able to appease our conscience, and striving for the higher ideals of humanity.         

Tuesday, October 22, 2019

SQ3R Method of Reading †Retain More Information

SQ3R Method of Reading - Retain More Information Throughout college and graduate school, you can expect to be assigned a great deal of reading,  and students who arent comfortable with reading or who feel like their skills are deficient will find it hard to succeed.  Attend class without having read and youll hurt only yourself. The most efficient students read with purpose and set goals. The SQ3R Method is designed to help you read faster and retain more information than ordinary reading methods. SQ3R stands for the steps in reading: survey, question, read, recite, review. It might seem like it takes more time to use the SQ3R method, but youll find that you remember more and have to reread less often. Lets take a look at the steps: Survey Before reading, survey the material. Glance through the topic headings and try to get an overview of the reading. Skim the sections and read the final summary paragraph to get an idea of where the chapter is going. Survey - dont read. Survey with purpose, to get a background knowledge, an initial orientation that will help you to organize the material as you read it. The surveying step eases you into the reading assignment Question Next, look at the first heading in the chapter. Turn it into a question. Create a series of questions to be answered in your reading. This step requires conscious effort but is worth it as it leads to active reading, the best way to retain written material. Asking questions focuses your concentration on what you need to learn or get out of your reading  -   it provides a sense of purpose. Read Read with purpose - use the questions as a guide. Read the first section of your reading assignment to answer your question. Actively search for the answers. If you finish the section and have not found an answer to the question, reread it. Read reflectively. Consider what the author is trying to say, and think about how you can use that information. Recite Once you have read a section, look away and try to recite the answer to your question, using your own words and examples. If you can do this, it means that you understand the material. If you cannot, glance over the section again. Once you have the answers to your questions, write them down. Review After reading the entire assignment, test your memory by reviewing your list of questions. Ask each one and review your notes. Youve created a set of notes that provide an overview the chapter.  You likely will not have to reread the chapter again. If youve taken good notes, you can use them to study for exams. As you review your notes, consider how the material fits with what you know from the course, experience, and other classes. What is the informations significance? What are the implications or applications of this material? What questions are you left with? Thinking about these bigger questions helps to place what youve read within the context of the course and your education - and is likely to lead to better retention. The extra steps of the SQ3R method may seem time-consuming, but they lead to a better understanding of the material so youll get more out of the reading with fewer passes. How many of the steps you follow is up to you. As you become more efficient you may find that you can read more - and retain more - with less effort. Regardless, if an assignment is important, be sure to take notes so that you dont have to reread it later.